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.At the same time, European unification wasstrongly supported by the USA.Strategically, it was most important thatEurope should reconstitute economic power and social peace as quicklyas possible to counter the Soviet Union and her growing influence inthe world.From very early on, and thus also at the Congress of Europe,American supporters of European union made their voices heard, eventhough they were physically absent.It was Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi,the third speaker after Churchill and Ramadier, who reported from a most satisfactory meeting with President Truman, General Marshalland other leaders of the United States.He also brought a letter fromJames William Fulbright, the president of the American Committee fora Free and United Europe in 1948, which left no doubt about why theUSA supported European unity and what was the expected outcome ofthe Congress.Fulbright wrote that he encouraged in every possible way,the political unification of Europe.He was furthermore convinced thatEuropean prosperity and peace could only be regained in this way.Inthe last paragraph of his letter, however, he made clear that Europeanswere expected to recompense the Americans. The only way that thepeople of Europe can repay the American people for their sacrifices intwo wars and in the European Recovery Programme is to overcome theirancient nationalism, recognize the identity of their interests, and createa living, vital European community, able once more, as they have beenin the past, to contribute to the forward march of Western Christiancivilization (Fulbright to Coudenhove-Kalergi 1948, 15).This was thegeneral situation in which the Congress of Europe had to manoeuvrebetween global goals and US power.Defining human rights for EuropeOne of the main problems related to human rights for the Congress ofEurope, and later on for the newly established Consultative Assemblyand Committee of Ministers, was not how to implement them it wasclear that a court with powers to prosecute human rights violations 46 Hagen Schulz-Forbergwithin member states of the Council of Europe had to follow but howto define the rights in precise terms. The meeting recognized that, thisbeing a subject to which the Assembly attached special importance,everything possible should be done to enable a positive decision to bereached without delay.The Greek representative [Argyropoulo] observedthat the draft Convention submitted to the Committee of Ministerscontained certain weaknesses and even certain contradictions whichmight make its implementation a matter of some delicacy (Council ofEurope 1950, 99).Chairman of the Fifth Meeting of the Committee ofMinisters, Paul van Zeeland, had already remarked on 13 August 1949that due consideration should be given to the definition of humanrights (Council of Europe 1949a, 12).To define human rights for Europe became the officially assignedtask of the Assembly.The Committee, however, almost withdrew theEuropean human rights charter from the Assembly s agreed list of mat-ters to pursue.In the morning session of 9 August 1949, the Committeeof Ministers discussed item (a) of Part IV of the draft Agenda of theAssembly which had been drawn up by the Preparatory Commission: Definition, safeguarding and development of Human Rights (Councilof Europe 1949b, 34).The division of labour among the ConsultativeAssembly and the Committee of Ministers was quite clear from earlyon.Put simply, the Committee members were the pragmatists, who,as democratically empowered representatives of national governments,would decide on the Assembly s scope of decision-making, and themembers of the Assembly were the idealists who would always strive formore integration and more power for the Council of Europe than theCommittee would be ready to yield.The logic was, therefore, that theCommittee decided upon which subjects they would like see discussedby the Assembly.It was Robert Schuman, a supporter of a clear hierarchy betweenCommittee and Assembly, who, together with Halvard Lange fromNorway, did not want the Assembly to get to work and define humanrights
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