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.The exile and underground leadership's underestimation of the communist forces played a role in the ultimate destruction of all forms of underground opposition.The population's desire for the end of hostilities and economic reconstruction was strong and as a result the anti-communist underground's plans for the continuation of the struggle had little to offer.People in the villages, towns and industry, in spite of having no conscious desire to support a communist-led government, did endorse attempts to eradicate lawlessness and further destruction.The TRJN thus could increasingly count on the community willingly participating in the economic, social and political life through the legalized political institutions.Among the political parties in exile there was no agreement on what to do with the underground military units in Poland.For the BCh the issue was resolved by Mikofajczyk's decision to cooperate in the formation of the first post-war administration.Thus the PSL focused on establishing for itself a new role in the post-war political life of the country.It acted as a legal opposition with extensive hopes that a majority would be secured by the peasant parties in the forthcoming general elections.In the circumstances the BCh had no reason to continue in the underground and every reason to return home.While the peasants were possibly the first to leave the partisan units, the community's support for those who remained underground was critical to their continuing survival.The communists were only too aware of the importance of gaining peasant support for the new regime.The need for food was only one reason for anxiety about the peasants' response to the first post-war administration, which unfortunately found itself imposing supply quotas every bit as stringent as those exacted by the Nazis.In a country that remained predominantly rural, anti-communist resistance could only survive if the peasant community supported it.Without support it would collapse.Thus during the first years after the war, the TRJN sought to placate the peasants through land reform, as much to encourage economic stability in that sector as in the hope that the villages would deny vital life lines to anti-communist bands.While the peasants could never be described as supporters of the new regime, the bands' increasing lawlessness and desperation alienated them from the villages, whose support was critical to their survival.The first attempt to prepare an underground organization in anticipation of the establishment of Soviet control over all Polish territories was undertaken even before the Warsaw Uprising.Okulicki, on arrival in Warsaw in 1944 and in agreement with sections of the AK, proceeded to build a new underground organization, which was to be in deeper conspiracy than the already widely known AK.This was to take the name NIE ('No').Since its aim was to prepare to continue the fight against the Soviet Union, the new organization could not be based on the old AK.8 This plan had the approval of some of the London commanders, notably Sosnkowski, who was suspected of being behind the idea of preparing for war against the Soviet Union.It did not have the approval of either the exile government or the Delegatura.9When the commander of the AK went into captivity after the Warsaw Uprising, he appointed Okulicki as his successor.For reasons which remain unclear, NIE did not succeed at that point in taking over the leadership of the AK.Outside Warsaw, AK units continued as before and former organizational unity prevailed, even though much weakened by the decision of BCh and NSZ units to go their own way.On 19 January 1945 Okulicki disbanded the AK making it clear that this was not the end of the fight for an independent Poland.On the contrary, in an order that was given further to his dissolution instructions, Okulicki stated that a new underground organization was to take over from the AK.10 With the dissolution of the AK, its members were to initiate a new form of opposition namely: 'to take advantage of all local activities, to take over all aspect of the daily life of the of the provisional Lublin governments'.Small conspiratorial organizations were to be retained and these were to maintain radio contact with each other.11 But Okulicki realized that the end of the war created new circumstances.He himself found it difficult to coordinate action with the AK leadership and the new political organization, the RJN.Loss of contact and confusion in the leadership were taking their toll.It was noted that the rank and file showed signs of independence.Writing to Kopański at the end of January 1945, Okulicki explained: 'Due to the grass roots attitude, I think that we are being forced to be very careful in the formulation of directives for the boycott of Provisional Lublin government decrees'.12 When Okulicki and the leadership of the underground movement were arrested by the Soviet authorities, plans for the NIE organization simply withered.The remaining political leaders had no commitment to pursuing it and most London politicians distrusted it.In April Rzepecki, who was Okulicki's successor, officially dissolved 'NIE' and instead and in agreement with General Anders, who took over as commander-in-chief of the Polish Armed Forces, proceeded to plan for a new underground command structure.This was to act under the name of Delegatura Sił Zbrojnych (Delegation of the Armed Forces -DSZ).This new organization was an attempt to reunite military and political leadership in Poland under one heading.It also tried to persuade existing AK units to disband.In an appeal dated 27 May the recently appointed government delegate to the armed forces in Poland called for all units to lay down arms and to return to civilian life.13 This appeal and subsequent ones had been motivated by a real anxiety that continuing in various underground units, the purpose of which would become less clear, young people were likely to became bandits
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