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.Evaluated by the three gradients of impact modification intensity, spa-tial extent, and temporal persistence the various humanizing activitiesaltered the natural world differently.Settlements, agricultural landforms,and agricultural fields represent major changes in the landscape,although at modest spatial scales.Of these three impacts, moreover, THE PRE-EUROPEAN LANDSCAPE OF THE UNITED STATES 31some dwellings and constructed landforms have persisted long after theywere no longer used (today we admire them in some of our NationalParks, for example).Nonagricultural plant manipulations illustrate moremodest alterations of nature, and at limited spatial and temporal scales(although not always the planted palms in the southwestern desert per-sist indefinitely).Wood cutting seems similarly constrained in magnitude(but again, not always), variable in spatial scale, and rather ephemeral intemporal terms.The reduction in numbers of grazing ungulates byexcessive hunting not only represents an impact unto itself but alsopotentially caused vegetation change in more than minor ways and overlarge areas, although the temporal persistence of such modificationswithout continued ungulate killing may have been fleeting.The most likely impact on the landscape an impact that might besaid to alter the fundamental conditions of vegetation and ecosystemsis fire.Moreover, long-lived, fire-dependent trees may testify to a formerburning regime centuries after the cessation of conflagrations.Thesecharacteristics, then, render Indian burning identified by generationsof anthropologically inclined geographers and other scientists as thehuman activity that has shaped landscapes for almost as long as peoplehave been around (Stewart 1956) to be key to those contemporarychampions of the pre-European North American humanized landscape,probably because of fire s prehistoric association with people, its appar-ent ubiquity, and its potential as a landscape-scale factor.Even so, Indian burning cannot be assumed, a priori, to determinethe character of all environments on the continent.In fact, in the veryregion where fires were, and are, most important the American Westquestions remain as to what factor, fuels or ignitions, determined pre-European fire regimes.If the former, Indian burning may not have beenan important modifier of nature; if the latter, Indian burning could havealtered the landscape from what otherwise would have occurred.Since it is both spatially extensive and temporally persistent, anthro-pogenic fire is the most likely candidate for major human modification ofnature in pre-European Western North America, and, as such, it is a keyto the pristine-versus-humanized landscape debate.But was Indian burn-ing critical to the appearance of the American West before the arrival ofColumbus? It is to this question that the essays in this book are directed.Literature CitedAnderson, K.1993.Native Californians as ancient and contemporary cultiva-tors.Pp.151 174 in Before the wilderness: Environmental management bynative Californians, ed.T.C.Blackburn and K.Anderson.Menlo Park, Calif.:Ballena. 32 Thomas R.Val eAnonymous.1991.America s crown jewels.Life 14 (6):10 28.Bahre, C.1991.A legacy of change: Historic human impact on vegetation in theArizona borderlands.Tucson: University of Arizona Press.Baisan, C., and T.Swetnam.1997.Interactions of fire regimes and land use inthe central Rio Grande Valley.Research paper RM-330.Fort Collins, Colo.:USDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Experiment Station.Bakeless, J.1961.The eyes of discovery: The pageant of North America as seen bythe first explorers.New York: Dover.Barbour, M., B.Pavlik, F.Drysdale, and S.Lindstrom.1993.California schanging landscapes: Diversity and conversation of California vegetation.Sacra-mento: California Native Plant Society.Bean, L., and S.Saubel.1972.Temalpakh (from the Earth): Cahuilla Indianknowledge and usage of plants.Banning, Calif.: Malki Museum.Bean, L., and D.Theodoratus.1978.Western Pomo and northeastern Pomo.Pp.289 305 in Handbook of North American Indians, vol.8: California, ed.R.Heizer.Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.Betancourt, J., J.Dean, and H.Hull.1986.Prehistoric long-distance transportof construction beams, Chaco Canyon, New Mexico.American Antiquity51:370 375.Betancourt, J., E.Pierson, K.Rylander, J.Fairchild-Parks, and J.Dean.1993.Influence of history and climate on New Mexico piñon-juniper woodlands.Pp.42 62 in Managing pinon-juniper ecosystems for sustainability and socialneeds, ed.E.Aldon and D.Snow.General technical report RM-236.FortCollins, Colo.: USDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Forest and RangeExperiment Station.Betancourt, J., W.Schuster, J.Mitton, and R.Anderson.1991.Fossil andgenetic history of a pinyon pine (Pinus edulis) isolate.Ecology 72:1685 1697.Betancourt, J., and T.Van Devender.1981.Holocene vegetation in ChacoCanyon, New Mexico.Science 214:656 658.Blackburn, T., and K.Anderson.1993.Introduction: Managing the domesti-cated environment.Pp.15 26 in Before the wilderness: Environmental man-agement by native Californians, ed.T.Blackburn and K.Anderson.MenloPark, Calif.: Ballena.Bohrer, V.1983.New life from ashes: the tale of the burnt bush (Rhus trilo-bata).Desert Plants 5:122 124. .1991.Recently recognized cultivated and encouraged plants among theHohokam.Kiva 56:227 235. .1992.New life from ashes II: A tale of burnt brush.Desert Plants10:122 125.Botkin, D.1990.Discordant harmonies: A new ecology for the twenty-first cen-tury.New York: Oxford University Press.Bradfield, M.1971.The changing pattern of Hopi agriculture.Occasional paperno.30.London: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.Budiansky, S.1995.Nature s keepers: The new science of nature management.New York: Free Press.Burwell, T.1999.Environmental history of the lower montane pinon (Pinusmonophylla) treeline, eastern California.Ph.D.diss., University of Wisconsin. THE PRE-EUROPEAN LANDSCAPE OF THE UNITED STATES 33Callaway, D., J.Janetski, and O.Stewart.1986.Ute.Pp.336 367 in Handbookof North American Indians, vol.11: Great Basin, ed.W.D Azevedo.Wash-ington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.Callicott, B., and M.Nelson.1998.The great new wilderness debate.Athens:University of Georgia Press.Cartledge, T., and J.Propper.1993.Pinon-juniper ecosystems through time:Information and insights from the past.Pp.63 71 in Managing pinon-juniperecosystems for sustainability and social needs.General technical report RM-236.Fort Collins, Colo.: USDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Forest and RangeExperiment Station.Chaddle, S., and C.Kay.1991.Tall-willow communities on Yellowstone snorthern range: A test of the natural-regulation paradigm.Pp.231 262 inThe greater Yellowstone ecosystem: Redefining America s wilderness heritage, ed.R.Keiter and M.Boyce.New Haven: Yale University Press.Chase, A.1987.Playing God in Yellowstone.San Diego: Harcourt BraceJovanovich.Cordell, L.1997.Archaeology of the Southwest.San Diego: Academic Press.Cronon, W.1983.Changes in the land.New York: Hill and Wang.Crown, P.1987.Classic Period Hohokam settlement and land use in the CasaGrande Ruin area, Arizona.Journal of Field Archaeology 14:147 162.Czech, B.1995.American Indians and wildlife conservation
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