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.Many were conceived in May 1941 in the seclusion of a Moscow hotelroom (Klevar 237, 445, Miller 304).A template story for the collection,  The NightMy Old Man Came Home, appeared in The New Yorker as early as 1937 (Miller 302).Meanwhile, Laughter was published in 1944, and its constituent stories appeared inThe New Yorker in December 1942, September 1943, and October 1943, and in Harper sBazaar in March 1944. Court was originally written in 1939, however, and has a verydifferent tone and structure from the other stories in Laughter and Georgia Boy.14.See L.M.Grow,  The Laughter of My Father: A Survival Kit, and Joel Slotkin,  Igorotsand Indians: Racial Hierarchies and Conceptions of the Savage in Carlos Bulosan sFiction of the Philippines.15.Both Ronald Takaki in Iron Cages and David Roediger in Wages of Whiteness discussin great detail the ways in which whiteness has been linked to a racial aptitude formodern discipline.The absence of this aptitude, they have both shown, has served asthe basis for racialization.16.To Lye, the attribution of an  unusual capacity for economic modernity to EastAsians has made them sources of anxiety (the mechanical, massified coolie frombefore World War II) as well as symbols of emulation (the enterprising modelminority of the postwar period).This racial form, moreover, stands in contrast toprimitivist types of Orientalism and to representations of other U.S.minority groupsas pre-industrial others.While I ultimately agree with Lye s argument, a considerationof pre World War II, American renderings of Filipinos complicates her application ofthis notion to all East Asian groups.17.Roy Rosenzweig s study of saloon culture in Eight Hours for What We Will: Workersand Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870 1920 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1983), is an excellent case study of how masculinity and capitalist discipline havesometimes been opposed within American culture.18.Also, Erskine Caldwell s Georgia Boy (1943) illustrates how very similar narrativesof manhood were in circulation in American culture at that time (and in widecirculation, given that Georgia sold 3.5 million copies).Its stories also revolve arounda father-son bond, remembered by the son who has now reached adulthood; and thisbond is also strengthened as the son is enlisted as a co-conspirator with a sinful father 208 Notesagainst a more practical and upright mother.When compared side to side, Laughterappears an attempt to show Filipinos as just like libidinous American men at heart,except for minor cultural differences (a preference for wine rather than whisky, the useof carabaos instead of horses, and so on).19.For the debate on whether Bulosan s nationalism is ironic or genuine, see MarilynAlquizola,  Subversion or Affirmation: The Text and Subtext of America Is in theHeart. Asian Americans: Comparative and Global Perspectives.Ed.Shirley Hume et al.(Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1991): 199 209; and Susan Evangelista,Carlos Bulosan and His Poetry: A Biography and an Anthology (Seattle: University ofWashington Press, 1985).20.From 1898 to 1934, Filipinos were neither aliens nor citizens but U.S.nationals, acolonial status that enabled them to migrate to the U.S.and work but not to obtaincitizenship.The Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934 reclassified them as aliens ineligiblefor citizenship, and this was not reversed until 1946.In general, legal and extralegalbacklashes against Filipinos in the U.S.intensified during the Depression.I write thatAmerica is more of an appeal for citizenship in the cultural and not the legal sense, notonly because Filipinos became eligible for citizenship in the year of its publication, butalso because it is unknown whether Bulosan ever applied for naturalized citizenship(though it is known that he never became a citizen).21.Josephine Herbst similarly wrote, for example, that  Americanism.has been adream rather than a reality and that  America to me is a country that has neverfulfilled itself.  What is Americanism? Partisan Review and Anvil (April 1936): 5 6.22.While the left nationalisms of second-generation European American authors arevaried, they also tend to cast their lot with an American tradition (whether forstrategic or for heartfelt reasons) over that of their parents homelands.The writingsof these second-generation Americans are set almost entirely in the U.S.; they rarelyinvolve sustained engagements with the cultural and political situations in theirancestral countries, and even where they do they ultimately renounce the country oforigin in favor of either the U.S.or a U.S./U.S.S.R.dyad.In Jerre Mangione s MountAllegro, for example, we find a lengthy description of the Italian American narrator snostalgic journey  home to the Sicily of his parents.But even here, the fascist erosionof both Sicilian culture and the regional economy described by Mangione reaffirmsfor its reader a sense of the U.S.as an antifascist land of liberty, and hence a primarynode of identification.Similarly, Mike Gold famously begins Jews Without Money bylinking his narrative to the persecution of the Jews in Europe, thereby indicating aninvestment in the politics of his parents homelands, yet nothing in the narrative leadsone to believe that he harbors any deep nostalgia for Europe.In a 1944 editorial inthe Daily Worker, he even sentimentally describes the Statue of Liberty as unchanging beacon of hope that unites generations ( Miss Liberty 7).23.As Ronald Takaki and David Roediger have argued in Iron Cages and Wages ofWhiteness (respectively), republican discourse constructed a highly disciplined andeven  bourgeois subject that was part and parcel to the modern, even though thediscourse was in operation long before capitalism became full-blown in the U.S [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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